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  • 1.
    Hansson, Erika
    et al.
    Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön ForFame. Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön Children's and Young People's Health in Social Context (CYPHiSCO). Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, Avdelningen för Humanvetenskap.
    Lennernäs, Maria
    University of Gävle.
    The difficulties of measuring adolescents' food intake and behaviors 2014Konferansepaper (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The fundamental cause of weight-related problems, from obesity to anorexia, is an imbalance between calories consumed and calories expended. The "nutritional status" concept embraces more than food-intake. It elucidates the dynamics between supply, demand and factors that affect metabolism, energy balance and energy expenditure. In recent years, major changes in the spatial-temporal structures of everyday life that could be possible contributors to weight-related issues of adolescents have emerged. A modern life style of low activity, irregular meal times, late-night food intake, stress and sleep deprivation possibly leads to a disturbed regulation of food intake which further can generate physical and/or psychological illnesses. Traditional studies of eating behavior use food diaries focusing on the average intake of energy and nutrients (e.g. Bellisle et al., 2003). Such methods are demanding for the respondent and require details about consumed amounts. A "Meal Matrix" (Lennernas & Andersson, 1999) has been used in studies of several different Swedish cohorts (e.g. Wissing et al., 2000). The Meal Matrix consists of seven food categories and eight different meal "types". Categorization is based on visible properties (food types) but at the same time reflecting invisible properties (nutrients). In the present study the Meal Matrix was developed further to be used as part of a questionnaire in a study of eating behaviors in 1281 adolescents between 12 and 17 years old in a southern Swedish municipality. Meal patterns in adolescents were assessed in relation to time of day for intake, sleep and physical activity. The aim of the study was to 1) test a self-report concept for food based classification of eating behaviors in adolescents, 2) to evaluate the nutritional quality of food and meals among them and 3) to get information about the rhythm of eating and slee-ping in relation to time of day and the biological clock.

  • 2.
    Masche, J. Gowert
    Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, Avdelningen för Humanvetenskap. Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön ForFame.
    Explanation of normative declines in parents’ knowledge about their adolescent children2008Konferansepaper (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Aims: This study searches for developmental mechanisms explaining why parents possess less knowledge about their adolescent children, as these get older. Family processes related to adolescents’ striving for and parents’ granting of autonomy, and adolescents’ relations outside the family might be such developmental mechanisms.

    Methods: A total of 2,415 Swedish adolescents aged 13 to 18 participated in at least two consecutive waves of a five-year time-sequential survey study with annual assessments. Of a sub-sample of 10-16 year-olds, 1,223 parents filled out questionnaires at Times 1 and/or 3. Multi-level analyses were conducted to test whether family process variables and adolescents’ relations outside the family explained intraindividual residual change of parental knowledge, and whether these effects explained normative age variations of knowledge.

    Results: Adolescent-reported parental knowledge declined more and more steeply with age. Adolescents’ reduced disclosure of information and their defiance of parental requests explained about 40 percent of this normative age variation. Other processes such as increasing parental solicitation of information and adolescents’ improved peer relations had an enhancing effect on parental knowledge and thus slowed down the decline of knowledge. Few gender differences occurred.

    Conclusions: Adolescents achieve autonomy from parents by managing information they provide to them and by acting against parental requests. These autonomy-related behaviors explain a large portion of the normative age decline of knowledge. However, increased parental solicitation and improved relations outside the family increasingly contribute to parental knowledge, thus limiting its decline. This suggests that family members balance adolescents’ autonomy and their connectedness with the family.

  • 3.
    Masche, J. Gowert
    Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, Avdelningen för Humanvetenskap. Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön ForFame.
    Revisiting Barber's behavioral control: an action-theoretical interpretation of ascribed parental knowledge2008Konferansepaper (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Barber (e.g., 1996, 2005) has proposed that parental behavioral control has a unique effect on adolescents’ normbreaking, even if psychological control and support are statistically controlled.  Barber uses a scale of parental knowledge as a measure of behavioral control.  However, parental knowledge and normbreaking are more closely associated with adolescents’ free disclosure of information than with behavioral control.  Moreover, disclosure explains part of the association between knowledge and normbreaking, whereas behavioral control does not (Kerr & Stattin, 2000; Stattin & Kerr, 2000).  This makes parental knowledge a questionable measure of behavioral control, and it suggests that family communication and relationship processes affect normbreaking more than behavioral control does.  However, Kerr and Stattin did not specifically test Barber’s theory.  They did not statistically control psychological control and support which might have “cleaned” parental knowledge of its relationship and communication-associated facets and thus might have left a more valid measure of parental control.  Thus, the first aim of this study is to test whether the unique association of parental knowledge with adolescent normbreaking, after controlling psychological control and parental support, can be explained by parental behavioral control—as Barber proposes—or rather by family relationship processes—as Stattin and Kerr suggest.

    Given previous empirical findings (e.g., Kerr & Stattin, 2000; Stattin & Kerr, 2000), interpreting parental knowledge as an index of relationship properties or as behavioral control might both be insufficient.  As an alternative, this paper takes an action-theoretical perspective and views parental knowledge as an expectancy in an expectancy-value model.  The extent to which adolescents ascribe knowledge about themselves to their parents can be seen as adolescents’ expectancy that the parents will gain knowledge about their actions.  A value that together with this expectancy might predict less adolescent normbreaking is adolescents’ desire to please and comfort their parents.  According to Individuation Theory (Youniss & Smollar, 1985), this is a common desire among adolescents.  If adolescents expect their parents will be knowledgeable about their activities, and if they do not want to worry them, they might engage in less normbreaking than adolescents who either do not care about their parents’ worries or who expect that the parents will not know about their normbreaking.  The second aim of this study is to test this interaction effect on normbreaking.

    A German sample of 968 13- and 16-year-olds filled out questionnaires at school.  Scales for parental knowledge, psychological control, parental support, and normbreaking were identical to Barber’s (2005) study.  Behavioral control was measured with scales for spare-time control (curfew rules, low laissez-faire), school control, and harsh punishments.  Family relationship processes were tapped by scales of parental warmth and openness and of adolescents’ caring for their parents.  The latter measure aimed at assessing family processes similar to those covered by Kerr and Stattin’s scale of free disclosure of information.  Finally, the desire to please and comfort their parents was measured with a newly developed scale.  All measures evinced adequate psychometric properties.

    Concerning the first aim of this study, parental knowledge was strongly related to low normbreaking (Model 0), even after controlling psychological control and parental support (Model 1).  Although the various facets of behavioral control were associated with normbreaking (Model 0), only punishments explained a small part of the effect of parental knowledge (Model 2c).  But punishments were inversely related to parental knowledge and predicted more instead of less normbreaking.  Out of the two family relationship process variables, caring for parents explained a small part of the effect of parental knowledge (Model 2e).  In total, however, the largest part of the effect of parental knowledge remained unexplained (Model 3).  Thus, the results do not support Barber’s idea that parental knowledge is an index of behavioral control.  The findings support Stattin and Kerr’s (2000, Kerr & Stattin, 2000) critique of knowledge as a measure of behavioral control.  However, also family relationship processes explained only little of the association between parental knowledge and normbreaking.

    The results testing the expectancy-value model of parental knowledge and the desire to please the parents, explaining low normbreaking, were as follows.  Parental knowledge, the desire to please the parents, and their interaction predicted low normbreaking (if latent main effect factors were scaled to SD = 1, beta = –.39, –.22, and ‑.06, resp., all p’s < .05).  The stronger the desire to please the parents, the steeper the decline of normbreaking with increasing parental knowledge.  Most adolescents desired strongly to please their parents.  However, results suggest almost no effect of parental knowledge if adolescents have no desire to please their parents.  In summary, the proposed expectancy-value model is supported by the data.

    Barber has described parenting as a unidirectional process.  This description rests on studies using parental knowledge as an index for parental behaviors.  As in previous studies, this interpretation of parental knowledge is not supported.  This paper provides initial support for a new view on parental knowledge:  Adolescents actively decide about what they do, in the light of what they expect the consequences to be and how they evaluate them.

  • 4.
    Masche, J. Gowert
    Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön ForFame. Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, Avdelningen för Humanvetenskap.
    You Can Check Out any Time You Like, But You Can Never Leave: Psychological Control of Teens Predicts Young Adults’ Depression2011Konferansepaper (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Parental support predicts low levels of depression in teenagers, and psychological control high levels. However, this pattern holds true for cross-sectional research only whereas longitudinal support is mixed at best. Moreover, few studies have investigated long-term effects into young adulthood. This study explores effects of teenagers’ experienced parental support and psychological control on depression and parent-child relationships in young adulthood, three and five years later. It also explores parental behaviors as outcomes of teen depression. Out of 1,319 U.S. American adolescents aged 11-19 in 2002, those who had reached young adulthood by 2005 (n = 575) and 2007 (n = 878), respectively, were re-interviewed. Also the youngest participants, who still were in adolescence, took part in 2007 (n = 224). In cross-lagged panel regressions, maternal psychological control predicted depression and low well-being over time whereas maternal support predicted close parent-child relationships. For the youngest participants, effects on parenting were tested, and depression predicted increased maternal psychological control after five years. Only few effects were found for fathers. These findings suggest that psychological control does not make young adults withdraw from the relationship, despite their increased independence. Instead, they still expose themselves to this parenting behavior, resulting in increased depression. Depression also contributes to psychological control, resulting in a vicious circle of maternal psychological control and youth depression. Parental support in contrast is linked to relationship closeness over time, but largely unrelated to both depression and psychological control. The differential roles of psychological control and support will be discussed further.

  • 5.
    Masche, J. Gowert
    et al.
    Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön ForFame. Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, Avdelningen för Humanvetenskap.
    Burk, William
    Universiteit Leiden (NL), Social and Behavioural Sciences.
    “I Don’t Tell You!”: Do Parent-Adolescent Interaction Problems Cause Both Low Parental Knowledge and Adolescent Internalizing?2009Konferansepaper (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Paradoxically, knowledge that parents posses about their adolescent children’s activities declines with age, but low levels of knowledge are associated with externalizing and internalizing problems. Might there only be a small group of adolescents with steeply declining parental knowledge? Or, are interindividual differences in knowledge and its normative decline independent of each other? This study will explore different trajectories of knowledge in order to answer this question.

    Second, why is low parental knowledge associated with adolescent problems? Focusing on internalizing problems, does parental knowledge really predict them over time, or do they reduce parental knowledge, for example because a depressed or unconfident adolescent tends to withdraw from conversation? This study will determine the direction of effects.

    Third, if parental knowledge predicts internalizing problems, why is this so? Previous studies suggest that both knowledge and internalizing might result from family interaction processes (Kerr & Stattin, 2000), but the same results could also be read as mediation from knowledge via family interactions to internalizing. Furthermore, knowledge was only partly explained by parent-adolescent interaction processes, lending doubt to the interpretation of parental knowledge as a mere expression of them (Barber, 2005). Thus, parental knowledge might either be an indicator of parent-adolescent communication or a causal factor in its own. This study will contribute to clarification. Aversive parental behaviors and adolescent non-disclosure and oppositional behavior were chosen as predictors because they belong to problematic parent-adolescent interactions and because of their links to adolescent internalizing problems.

    A representative Swedish community sample of 1,744 adolescents of age 10-14 at T0 was re-assessed at four annual occasions T1-4. Each year, adolescents filled out questionnaires at school.

    Using Growth Mixture Modeling, three trajectories of parental knowledge, and two trajectories each of self-esteem and depression were revealed across T1-4. The three knowledge trajectories differed in level, but each trajectory had virtually the same age decline.

    In all subsequent analyses, the effects of predictor variables at T0 on T1-4 trajectories of either knowledge or depression, or self-esteem were tested, above and beyond the stability of the respective dependent variable since T0. These analyses revealed effects of parental knowledge on trajectories of depression and self-esteem, but not vice versa.

    A conceptual model was concluded from a series of analyses including parent-adolescent interaction variables. If parents exerted aversive behaviors such as being harsh or making fun of their children, these disclosed not much information and behaved oppositional which in turn predicted low levels of parental knowledge. Although knowledge had predicted adolescent depression and low self-esteem when entered in the analyses alone, it did not consistently predict these variables if adolescents’ opposition and non-disclosure were taken into account.

    In conclusion, the normative decline of parental knowledge and interindividual differences are two independent phenomena which might have different causes. This study has contributed to an understanding of how parent-adolescent interactions lead to interindividual differences in knowledge. Low levels of knowledge were not a consistent causal factor for adolescent internalizing symptoms, but clearly indicated parent-adolescent problems.

  • 6.
    Masche, J. Gowert
    et al.
    Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön ForFame. Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön Children's and Young People's Health in Social Context (CYPHiSCO). Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, Avdelningen för Humanvetenskap.
    Hansson, Erika
    Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön Children's and Young People's Health in Social Context (CYPHiSCO). Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön ForFame. Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, Avdelningen för Humanvetenskap. Lunds universitet.
    It takes two to tango: teen internalizing and exter­nalizing problems are predicted by the interaction of parent and teen behaviors2014Konferansepaper (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Associations between parenting behaviors of support, behavior control and overcontrol, and psychological control/disrespect with adolescent internalizing and externalizing problems have been studied extensively (Barber et al., 2012; Kerr & Stattin, 2000), and also adolescent behaviors of disclosure and secrecy in the context of these problems (Frijns et al., 2010). However, few studies have assessed how parent and child behaviors might moderate each other’s associations with problems (Keijsers et al., 2009). This study investigates interaction effects of the above-mentioned parent and adolescent behaviors when predicting depression, loneliness, and low self-esteem (internalizing), and delinquency, aggression, and drug/alcohol use (externalizing). Given the variety of behaviors and problems under study, it is hypothesized that various kinds of moderation effects will emerge.

    An ethnically diverse sample of 1,281 adolescents attending grades 7 to 10 in a Southern Swedish municipality (age 12.5 to 19.3, M = 15.2, SD = 1.2) filled out questionnaires in class. All scales have been published internationally; however, some items were added to short scales. Each of the internalizing and externalizing problems was regressed on all possible combinations of one of the four parenting variables and one of the two adolescent behaviors under study, resulting in 48 regression analyses.

    Confirming previous findings, parent psychological control and overcontrol were associated with internalizing and externalizing problems, and behavior control and insufficient support with internalizing problems. Adolescent disclosure predicted low levels of both kinds of problems and secrecy predicted high levels. Two-way interactions of parent and adolescent behaviors added significantly (p < .05) to the variance in 13 of 48 analyses which is beyond chance level (p < .001). In addition to the inspection of significant effects, t-values across all analyses were analyzed in order to distinguish between more general trends and solitary effects on specific internalizing or externalizing problems only. Confirming the hypothesis, interaction effects varied across the combinations of parent and adolescent behaviors (η2 = .26) and were further moderated by the distinction between internalizing and externalizing problems (η2 = .38). These effects were grouped into five kinds of interaction effects: In mutually enhancing and mutually exacerbating effects, two positive or two negative, respectively, behaviors increased each other’s associations with problem levels. In protection effects, usually adolescents’ behavior reduced associations between negative parenting and problems. Relationship split effects might reflect an alienated parent-adolescent relationship in which negative behaviors cannot do much additional harm. Finally, maintained relationship/sabotage means that the lowest level of problems occurred if one generation maintained the relationship by a positive behavior and the other generation abstained from “sabotaging” it by a negative behavior. Otherwise, problem behaviors increased sharply without the other generation’s behavior having any large effect any longer.

    In conclusion, analyses provide ample evidence that adolescents’ behavior moderates links between parents’ behaviors and adolescents’ internalizing and externalizing problems. Possible causal interpretations include adolescents as “gatekeepers” of parenting efforts, families’ functional and dysfunctional adaptations, and parent and child behavior combinations as consequences of internalizing and externalizing problems.

  • 7.
    Masche, J. Gowert
    et al.
    Högskolan Kristianstad, Forskningsmiljön ForFame. Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för lärande och miljö, Avdelningen för Humanvetenskap.
    Oud, Johan H. L.
    Radboud University Nijmegen (NL).
    Modeling of causal influences in the family in discrete and continuous time2008Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
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